Wednesday, December 10, 2014

pt. 2 - things you thought i believed as a christian, but i don't

Being a Christian means that you have to be politically conservative

Where does this perception come from?

I don’t have room here to say much about why the later New Testament letters began to focus more one institutional maintenance and private morality and less on the explosive message that “Jesus is Lord” (as opposed to Caesar), nor on how the Roman Catholic priesthood came to be the overseers of private morality in the medieval world, nor on how early American Protestantism developed as a reaction to social decay in Europe in the 17th and 18th centuries century. That would require more than a blog and probably a different author.

The observation I can make here is that sometime in the last quarter of last century, the GOP closed the loop on a brilliant ideological move that it had been working toward for some time. They verbally linked the capitalistic policies that the wealthy care about (lower taxes) to the conservative social values that many poorer communities in southern and Bible Belt states care about. Of course these two things have nothing to do with each other and many sociologists will point out that they outright work against each other. But the fact that that observation is so rarely made by their opponents in popular discourse shows how effectively far right fiscal policies and conservative social values have been made synonmous in our popular consciousness.

Tough to believe now, but as recently as 1972 the platform of the Republican Party contained no references to God and argued for no specifically religious issues. But the next year would be defining for politics right up until today. Capitalizing on the outcry from the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973 (Roe v. Wade), the 1976 platform famously called for “a position on abortion that values human life.” By the turn of the next decade, “family” and “human life” had become unlikely partisan buzzwords in Reagan’s lexicon and the language was reciprocated by a whole new spate of purportedly Christian movements—Jerry Fallwell’s “Moral Majority” in 1980, James Dobson’s “Family Research Council” in 1983, and televangelist Pat Robertson’s rise in popularity resulting in a presidential bid in 1988—who throw their unquestioning support behind Reagan’s party.



So popularly, in just a couple rhetorical moves, family is seen as almost the sole moral concern of Christians and the GOP the official party of family.

Is there a more authentically Christian perspective?

I should say here that, while I do believe my faith has strong political implications, I do not, with some of my liberal contemporaries, flatly say that “Jesus was a socialist.” Whether we lean right or left, it is an absurd case of apples and oranges to try to extract a comprehensive economic structure from a the hand full of parables and aphorisms of a man speaking to a two thousand year old, non-democratic society where official political agency wasn’t even an option for his listeners. That said, if you’ve noticed how rarely “Bible believing Christians” mention what’s actually in the Bible and you yourself have skimmed the parable of the Rich Young Man or the account of the early church in Acts, you’ve probably noticed how much easier it would be to build that case than to build any case for either the nuclear family or unchecked capitalism.

But again, I make no argument for extreme left-wing policy here. What we can say without hesitancy is that the Jesus of the Bible shows aggressive favoritism on the side of the poor and marginalized. He is obsessively concerned with those who are on the outside even when it puts him at odds with the people who are inside. We can also say that he is livid at individuals and institutions—public, private, or religious—that profit on the backs of the poor.

The sum of this observation is that, whatever we decide to do in our private lives or in the institutions we support—public, private, or religious—followers of Jesus had better also be aggressively on the side of the poor and the marginalized. How we can best serve them in a non-patronizing and genuinely beneficial way is on the table for debate. That we must serve them is not.

Ethical concerns are black and white for a Christian

Where does this perception come from?

I suspect that this partly comes from the rubber stamp alignment of American Evangelicalism and the Republican party discussed above. But a much more objective thing to comment on is the biblical literalism that began to invade American Christianity in the 19th century. If you think of the more “literal” way as the more traditional way of reading the Bible, that’s likely because you’ve believed the rhetoric of the Fallwells and Robertsons mentioned above who have needed to coopt biblical authority to provide some basis for their unquestioning support of the GOP. There is nothing traditional about it. In fact, it is a completely novel innovation that we can date to fairly recent times.

Until about a century ago, respect for the overall authority of scripture was high but respect for inappropriately simplistic interpretations of scripture was low. In the middle ages, reading multiple layers of figurative meaning into a line from the Bible was not only permissible in the Christian tradition, those were considered more weighty than the literal meaning with the “allegorical” reading taking the most prestigious spot in a sophisticated ranking system. Reformers in the 16th century called for a more “literal” reading, but they only meant to put a check on some of the wildly imaginative nonsense that came out of the medieval church; they did not mean, in the modern sense, that obviously mythological or poetic language in the Bible should be applied in some stupidly matter-of-fact way.   

As we’ve seen already, religious views in America tend to take their queues from political concerns; not the other way around. It was not just Christians’ but everyone’s paradigms that Darwin’s theories initially challenged after the publication of The Origin of Species in 1859 (some obscure anatomists had proposed similar things and the scientific community was not enraged by his theories, but his were the first that were readable at the popular level).

It would be another decade and a half before theologians, politicians and popular commentators began to see its full implication for human origins. It is sheer coincidence that around the turn of the century, debates over whether to teach Darwin’s theories in schools coincided with concern in American churches that modern historical criticism of the Bible (e.g. analysis of original manuscripts, historical context, dating inconsistencies, etc.) was eroding the authority of the good book.

Two huge tectonic shifts in our perception of ourselves and our Bible at one time proved too frightening for a certain personality type. A reactionary group called the “Niagara Bible Conference” formed in 1878 and drafted the principles that would eventually morph into “The Five Fundamentals” of the 1910 General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church from which we get the word: fundamentalism. All of these five had to do with some kind of supernatural belief that they felt was under attack in modernity. One of these five fundamentals was a dogma that Christianity had never before bound itself to in the 19 centuries of its existence: the inerrancy of scripture (assumed but not written alongside this, was belief in the easy and straightforward interpretability of scripture).

The older Christian tradition of serious and intelligent ethical reflection that had only just escaped a longstanding obeisance to the “infallible” Pope four centuries earlier was being relinquished once again, and American protestants were once again kowtowing to an even more inflexible “paper Pope.” 

Is there a more authentically Christian perspective?

If you’ve ever been to a Lutheran worship service, then from the very first words out of your mouth after the opening song, you have foresworn any chance that your political leanings, ethical insights, lifestyle preferences, biblical interpretations or anything about you might be one hundred percent right and without fault. We call this part confession and absolution.

It might sound pessimistic at first, but in fact, when the wrongness of the state of our world and our place in it are realities that continue to intrude on our subconscious even when we choose not to acknowledge them, then telling the truth about these things actually comes out as a hopeful sigh of relief. It’s our way of forcing the issue and saying from the outset that our doctrines, stances, and ideologies get us nowhere if there is no God behind them actually doing stuff. And if God actually does stuff, then anything we think or say about what God is doing is of secondary importance at the most. We then spend the rest of the service proclaiming that God has, in fact, begun doing something to set the world right.

Having confessed that whatever seeds of rightness we’ve ever planted will ultimately wither in the holy sunbeam of God’s presence,
-       we can get on to a more serious and complex ethical conversation about the relative rightness of a certain choice given the alternatives;
-       we can admit to the huge grey areas of a world that often doesn’t give us a choice between right and wrong but between wrong and less wrong;
-       we can argue an issue with someone else without attacking their basic humanity, as if they had taken the dark side in some dualistic battle;
-       and when the time for deliberation is over, we can actually act toward whatever limited good we’re able without getting hamstrung thinking that we need to find some panacea option that will fix everything;
-       and we can actually do what we do for the sake of someone else, since the issue of justifying ourselves with our actions is not on the table.

Luther called this sinning boldly.

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