I’m not writing this because I’m particularly well informed
about the West Bank. I’m writing this because I feel pretty uninformed but
continue to hear equally uninformed people, who strangely hold the strongest
opinions about it. Who is the culprit? Who is the victim? Who is observing that
lowest common denominator called wartime ethics? Who is in excess?
On the second day of what will hopefully be a prolonged
ceasefire, it’s always a little bit jarring to me to hear someone confidently
sum up decades of internecine conflict with a straight and simple pronouncement
of guilt for one side and innocence for the other. I’m not well informed about
the West Bank, but I am fairly well schooled in things like guilt and innocence.
It never actually works out quite that neatly.
What’s become clear in the USA over the last week is that
neither the real Israel nor the real Palestine are being discussed at all in
our popular discourse. What’s really at issue are the ideological hobbyhorses
of the speaker. The entities that we refer to as “Israel” and “Palestine” are
just abstractions as Hegel used the term: they’re ideological props devoid of
their own socio-historical content. We developed them a priori to satisfy the needs of our own self-images. They enable
us to make clean and forceful political commentaries because, as abstractions,
they lack any of the counter-evidence, the morally neutral red herrings, and
the complicating baggage that tends to come along with real people and places.
And put aside the predictable hedge that we’re simply
lacking enough real facts to see the inevitable grey areas involved and simply
need to pull up a half dozen articles from respected sources. On the contrary,
it may just be that we already have an overabundance of facts, which can, as
often as not, become an impediment to real understanding. Knowing a recent list
of important dates, the names of major players, and a handful of quotable
statistics gives us the very dangerous illusion that we are therefore equipped
to comment on the motivations, the fears, and finally the guilt or innocence of
the opposing sides.
Coming from the right side of the Western, ideological
jousting arena, one champion wants to present Hamas as a fair representative of all Muslims, because it helps him
make the case (in the abstract) that Islam is the great boogeyman of our time (no
doubt, providing a concrete explanation for his own sense of guilt and dis-ease
with his comfortable socio-economic place in the world). Coming back at him
from the left, we have a challenger who wants to act as if Hamas developed in a vacuum and shares no ideological moorings with
Palestinian context outside itself (which all sounds very enlightened but which backfires when it renders arbitrary any real grievances of the society for
which it speaks; this effectively ends up serving the same Western purposes as
the right’s narrative). Coming back from the right, we hear (per usual, with any fighting
that involves American interests) that the casualties would be much worse were
it not for the benevolence of the bigger dog in the fight. From the left we
hear the familiar cant (which no one actually believes when his or her own skin
is in the game) that the smaller dog is morally exempt for the simple fact that
it is small (a notion which may come from a sympathetic place but finally turns
out to be the most dehumanizing of them all).
So how do I as a Christian begin to process these events
when both the predictable liberal and conservative narratives are too
constrictive and self-serving?
First and foremost the Christian reserves the right to take
both sides.
Someone will object to this and say, “refusing to pick a
side is to have made a choice.” I reject that tired bit of cynicism, outright. The
Christian is always free to simply choose the side of humanity general. For
centuries, Christians have been risking their lives to cross front lines and
serve as medics for the enemies or have been court martialed for refusing to
shoot at them. Apropos too are the group of hundreds of Israeli reservists who
in early 2002 refused to serve in occupied lands saying that they could not
“dominate, expel, starve and humiliate an entire people.”
The freedom to choose humanity is not an exclusively Christian
freedom. However, it ought to be at least characteristically Christian. It ought to be rooted not
only in Jesus' plain and simple teaching but in the heart of his story.
Part of the artfulness of the people who wrote the four
gospels is that they finally leave it ambiguous who actually put Jesus to
death. However much anti-Semitic ideologues have wanted to blame the Jews, and
revolutionary ideologues have wanted to blame the government, and reforming
ideologues have wanted to blame religious leaders general; the honest reader is
still left with the vague but powerful impression that the culprit is really
all of them—and, in a weird way, none of them. Or rather, each of those groups
is simultaneously a victim and a culprit of an offense and punishment schema
that has moved down through the generations since time immemorial. The reader
starts to sense that we’re riding a wave of insecure and fearful aggression for
which no one is fully responsible but of which no one’s hands are fully dry.
The reader is left with the impression that if these particular groups and
individuals hadn’t gotten rid of Jesus, someone else would have, if for no
reason other than a deep-seated frustration and self-hatred in the soul of
humanity.
These may have been the sorts of meditations going through
the gospel writer’s head when, in Mark, Jesus makes the mysterious decree, ”It
is necessary” (8:31) that he be crucified, as if these events on the ground
were being governed by some inexplicable fate that tends in this direction. Likewise,
for John, in the presence of true light, we must choose between either confronting
our darkness or snuffing out the light source as quickly as possible (see
1:9-11 or 3:19-20). If you were to read his gospel for the first time, you wouldn’t
have to be a prophet, just a good student of humanity to predict which we will
choose.
That’s why, when we ask about which group crucified Jesus, the
only answer that has stood the test of time is: all of them. Or more
mystically, all of us.
So rather than immediately pick out one guilty and one
innocent party in order to patch up the threatening rift in our moral universe,
the Christian reserves the right to mourn, to pray, and to simply admit helplessness
in the face of tragedy. This includes both the most recent tragedies that occupy
our newsfeeds and the more sustaining tragedy that plagues humanity. Through
the ages, the debacle of justice that is the cross yells from the top of
Golgotha to an over-certain humanity, “Don’t just do something; stand there.
Before your next counter-offensive, your next crusade against terror, your next
witch-hunt—take a moment to really grieve the state of humanity. See how the
situation looks after you’ve spent some time mystically communing with both
culprit and the victim throughout history.”
At first, this will sound very idle to a society much
inclined to believe that for every problem we face there is a drone or a smart
bomb to fix it. But just there is what I call the Nazi paradox: when we seek to
forcibly remove what’s wrong with the world, we invariably become it.
In a world where “mission accomplished” signifies nothing
more than the start of a decade long semantic debate on the definition of
“accomplished” and “conflict” replaces “conflict” as if they were only filling
spots on a calendar, is a little idle mourning and prayer really such a bad
response? By refusing a knee-jerk call to action, are we creating the situation
of helplessness or merely acknowledging the helplessness that is our current
reality?
The Christian looks beyond the political pragmatism of the
moment to a future where, for lack of any other use, swords will be beaten
into plowshares and the boots of tramping warriors thrown into furnaces to
heat our homes. For millennia, societies
have said, “We’ll get to peace…as soon as all our enemies are eliminated. We’ll
get to peace, we just need one more ‘war to end all wars’. We’ll get to peace,
just one more atom bomb should about do it. Hang on, shalom, we just need to take out one more terrorist leader, one
more enemy cell, one more, one more, one more…”
The Christian is tired of saying, “One more.”
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